TRAFFICKING DEFINITION CHANGED IN WORKING DRAFT OF BILL

By Monica de Souza

A working draft (version as at 27 October 2011) of the Prevention and Combating of Trafficking in Persons Bill [B7-2010] has recently been debated by the National Assembly’s Portfolio Committee for Justice and Constitutional Development.   While the recent discussions have focussed on issues such as the status and residence rights of foreign trafficking victims and the penalties that should be imposed for convicted traffickers, the draft reveals that important changes had previously been made by the Committee to narrow the definition of “trafficking”, which, in the original Bill, had encompassed a broad range of conduct.[1]

What is meant by the term “trafficking”?

This question is of great significance because the scope of conduct included in the Bill’s definition of “trafficking” is the same conduct that the Bill criminalises.  Effectively, the definition sets out the elements that need to be proven in order to say that a crime has been committed.  Where the definition is too narrow the risk is that genuine trafficking victims are denied access to the criminal justice system.  On the other hand, where the definition is too broad, unclear or confusing, the trafficking offences based on that definition are difficult to apply and the Bill’s prevention, prosecution and protection aims are unlikely to be achieved.  Police do not know whether the behaviour they encounter is legal or illegal, prosecutors do not know how to prove a suspect’s guilt and citizens do not know what conduct they will be punished for.  Perhaps more importantly, the victims of “trafficking” cannot be identified, their rights to dignity and security, amongst others, cannot be protected and no assistance can be provided to them after the trafficking ordeal.

In terms of both the original version of the Bill and the working draft, the trafficking definition contains three elements: the trafficking acts (for example, transportation or sale), the means used to commit the acts (for example, coercion or fraud) and the purpose of the acts (most often, exploitation).  Each element then lists various conditions that would satisfy the element.  This formulation is closely based on the definition of “trafficking in persons” contained in the UN Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children (Palermo Protocol), to which South Africa is a party.

How does the working draft change the Bill’s definition?

In its original form, published early in 2010, the Bill contained a definition for “trafficking” in clause 1 and an offence for “trafficking in persons”, to which that definition had to be applied, in clause 4(1).  In other words, the definition of the crime and the criminalisation provision were dealt with separately in the Bill.  The working draft does away with this separation and incorporates the definitional elements of “trafficking” into the criminalisation provision at clause 4(1).  This eliminates the confusion of having to jump between two different clauses in order to determine the full content of the trafficking offence.  It also has the effect of closing the list of acts that could satisfy the first element of the trafficking offence.  Whereas the Bill’s definition of “trafficking” introduced the list of acts with the word “includes”, this word does not appear in the working draft’s trafficking criminalisation clause.  According to Constitutional Court jurisprudence, the word “includes” potentially introduces a non-exhaustive list of terms.  The new formulation of the trafficking definition thus removes this potential and, as such, also removes the potential for a crime that is stated in overly broad terms and rendered ineffective, at least in respect of the first element.

An important change to the third element should also be noted.  While the Bill recognised three possible purposes for committing the trafficking acts (exploitation, sexual grooming or abuse), the working draft lists only one purpose – exploitation.  The inclusion of “sexual grooming” and “abuse” as purposes was problematic because no definitions were given in the Bill for these terms, and the scope for interpretation was potentially infinite.  It was unclear whether “sexual grooming” was equivalent to the offence of sexual grooming included in the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act 32 of 2007 (SORMA), in which case only the sexual grooming of children and mentally disabled persons could be applicable.  The inclusion of “abuse” as a purpose also broadened the scope of the trafficking definition considerably, because it is often used as a blanket term for any kind of sustained harm and because the original Bill explicitly stated that sexual acts (such as kissing) could constitute “abuse”, without stipulating a non-consent requirement.

The meaning of “exploitation” has also been adjusted in the working draft, with the removal of forced marriage and debt bondage as forms of exploitation that could satisfy the purpose element.  However, it should be noted that the list of exploitative purposes is non-exhaustive, which means that other forms of exploitation could be included in an interpretation of “exploitation” where these have been removed. The meaning of “sexual exploitation” (a listed form of “exploitation”) is essentially the same as in the original Bill, and refers to any sexual offence contained in SORMA and also “any offence of a sexual nature in any other law”.  This could cover a number of offences, some more serious than others, and all of these would satisfy the purpose element of trafficking.  While this would provide protection to victims who were trafficked for a range of different sexual reasons, it could also adversely affect the state’s ability to effectively apply and implement the trafficking definition, with the result that victims are unlikely to benefit as the legislation intends them to.

Thus, while some adjustments have been made to narrow the scope of the trafficking offence’s definitional elements, there are other aspects of the definition that are still convoluted and open to much interpretation.  It is understandable that the legislature is trying to account for the many different forms and processes of human trafficking.  However, where inclusiveness comes at the expense of effectiveness and there is a danger of over-criminalisation and legal uncertainty, the scope of conduct prohibited in the Bill should rather be limited – especially in light of arguments that the three trafficking elements can be prosecuted separately via various other existing laws.  This would better protect the rights of trafficking victims.


[1] Information about the Bill, the working draft and Portfolio Committee discussions can be found at www.pmg.org.za.

Awareness, responsibility and blame

By Jen Thorpe

Safety is a difficult thing to contemplate in a country where nowhere is really ‘safe’.  It is hard to pretend that we don’t know.  We can’t ignore the high crime statistics, and police commissioner requirements of stomach in chest out.  It’s almost impossible to meet anyone who doesn’t know anyone who has been victim of crime, or hasn’t been one themselves.  We don’t live in a safe place.  We should all be aware of danger.

I think perhaps this assumption that we should be aware of danger, or the belief that we all know that we live in a context of risk, comes with a strange social requirement that we must manage that risk.  Our walls are high, marked by an acoustic array of electric fencing, sirens and lasers.  We put alarms and bars across the windows, we lock our doors, and we have household-safes and money under our mattresses. We are afraid of strangers.  We take out insurance and the insurers bank on the fear economy that we live in.  We take on the responsibility for our protection.

For many the first question you are asked when you are a victim of a mugging was ‘Where were you walking? Was it at night? Were you alone?’ For a victim of a high-jacking we ask ‘Where were you driving? Were your doors locked?’ For rape survivors we ask ‘What were you wearing? Did you fight them off?’ What we’re really asking is ‘How are you to blame? Why didn’t you try harder to protect yourself?  It’s a complex blame game.

We can acknowledge that we live in a world of violence, that some areas and contexts are fraught with danger. But we must surely also be able to acknowledge that everyone has the right to be free from violence, and that blaming victims for crimes means that we don’t blame perpetrators.  We must acknowledge that entering into a dangerous situation doesn’t mean that you are the cause of that danger.

Sexual violence is fraught with stigma, shame, and social myths about women’s sexuality and women’s rights.  In sexual offences cases victim blaming is particularly prevalent because we see that there is complexity in all sexual situations, and that consensual sex is rarely as simple as saying yes.  South African norms of sexuality complicate our awareness of the crime because say that women say ‘no’ when they really mean ‘yes’, and that women who dress, live or fuck in a particular way deserve what they get.

Society expects women to take the same risk management strategies with their bodies as we take with our homes.  So when we hear about women being raped, society tells us the question we should ask them is why they didn’t try harder to protect themselves and prevent their own rape.  Our logic is so fixed by fear, that we can only blame the victim and be proud of ourselves for keeping safe.

This logic also convinces us that only some men rape.  That we can anticipate who those men are, and that we should therefore work harder to avoid them.  But in SA, statistics show that the men that women should be trying to protect themselves from, are the meant they know.  Worse, they are most likely their family members, fathers, uncles and brothers.  These are South Africa’s rapists.

It is possible to be aware that SA is dangerous, but I think the jump from awareness to responsibility and blame is a bigger one than we have acknowledged it to be.

 

 

Stop the Bus! – Day 6 (Trip 2) – Time to say goodbye

Stanford - the final day of the workshop

Stanford - the last day of the workshop

This morning we headed to Stanford where we continued with the workshop. The topic today was care for the caregiver.  We also had a networking meeting in Hermanus where the needs, problems and resources within the Hermanus, Gansbaai, Pearly Beach and Stanford communities were identified and to build better capacity and finding ways of broadening the network of support for rape survivors. Moreover, we visited the hospital, the police station and the Regional Court in Hermanus in connection with the Shukumisa campaign to see whether the rape survivors’ rights and services within the system are followed.

The team has found this journey very rewarding and interesting and we all agreed that the needs for the support of rape survivors in the area visited were vast. We will close this enlightening journey with a quote from Soren Kierkegaard: “To dare is to lose one’s footing momentarily. Not to dare is to lose oneself”.

From the networking meeting in Hermanus

Some of the participants from the networking meeting in Hermanus together with Eleanor

Goodbye and thank you!

Goodbye and thank you!

Stop the Bus! – Day 5 (Trip 2) – Understanding rape

Catherine having a talk about myths and stereotypes regarding rape

Catherine having a talk about myths and stereotypes regarding rape

Today we continued with the capacity building workshop from day 2. The main topic for discussion was understanding rape. Also the pathway through the Criminal Justice System, the legal definition of rape, the new law on Sexual Offences which was implemented in 2007 as well as myths and stereotypes regarding rape such as “all rapists are mentally ill” were addressed.

At around 14 am. some of the team members went to the Community Health Centre in Stanford where we met the operational manager. She informed us that the services for rape victims were poor in this area and the survivors were sent to the hospital in Hermanus. Moreover, this Centre does not do the forensic examination, but it is done by the police station. The only services they render to the victims are that they give them PEP (Post-Exposure Prophylaxis) which is an anti-HIV medical treatment, and this has to be taken within 72 hours after the rape in order to have its effect. Also they get offered medication for the side-effects of PEP at the Clinic.

After this very challenging and rewarding day the team closed the evening with having our debriefing and planning for the grand finale tomorrow.

Jemima giving an excellent presentation of victimization

Jemima giving an excellent presentation of victimization

Peliswa and Eleanor together with employees at the Stanford Clinic

Peliswa and Eleanor together with employees at the Stanford Clinic